Regardless, the book’s framework still makes the following speculations possible.
First, even as the societal consensus around America’s ruling ideology of democracy, capitalism and freedoms has collapsed at home, the number of its takers internationally has dwindled, including within the West, as the rise of inward looking, nationalist and far-Right forces across the West indicates.
The first section of Part Two deals with Trudeau’s foreign policy, Canada’s failure to win a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council and his challenges in dealing with US President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
The book is structured imaginatively in two sections, A and B. Section A deals with Northeast Asia and B with South Asia. In Section A, there are three sub-chapters which discuss extensively the countries in the region, such as North Korea, Japan and South Korea and their relationship with China, in particular under Xi Jinping, and separately the influence of Donald Trump in Northeast Asia. In Section B, relations of the US with three countries of South Asia, namely, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan are studied in detail followed by the developments in these countries under President Trump.
The Indo-US nuclear deal and the Sri Lankan affairs count for Basrur as exemplars of drift. These two cases show why the Indian state got checkmated by domestic conflicts and institutional infirmities. In contrast, Basrur argues that the absence of a cohesive policy in Indian nuclear strategy and its approach to cross-border terrorism caused a ‘responsibility deficit’.
‘The Age of Nationalisms: Competing Visions’, the first chapter sets the stage by exploring the rise of nationalism in early twentieth century. The author highlights the diversity within nationalist movements in South Asia, showing how they were marked by competing visions and internal conflicts.
However, the book falls short of mentioning any American departure and post-war impacts on the West Asian region. The US withdrew from a long, bloody war in Iraq on the assumption that they had left the country in a better place and condition. Nevertheless
Midway through the book, the author sheds light on how a series of networks were built by the Iraqi regime during the war to appeal to the western world against US actions in Iraq. Numerous political cells were created by Baathist supporters of Saddam to mobilize people in cities like New Jersey
The three essays in the final section centre on war and diplomacy. Shantanu Chakrabarti discusses the writings of Hiranmoy Ghoshal, who spent considerable years of his life in Poland. These writings include Ghoshal’s ‘eyewitness account’ of the German invasion of Poland during the Second World War
According to Matos, white socialization teaches white individuals about their obligations, anticipated behaviours, assigned roles, and strategies to preserve the exclusive nature of their community. She explains that the moral choice that whiteness affords (which ‘not all racial groups have’) is the choice to either continue to follow and strengthen a system that is structured on white supremacy or challenge it.
For Jaffrelot, Modi’s personalization of power coupled with identifying the cosmopolitan origins of the Nehru-Gandhi family in particular allowed him to claim ownership to being a victim of elite politics along with the common people. This ‘national-populism’ for Jaffrelot is undergirded by a mimetic syndrome wherein Modi successfully managed to create a discourse of unanimism—the idea that the people and the leader are one and the same. This ‘Moditva’
The rest of the essays in Part II of the book are rooted in different aspects of elections. ‘Election Time’ by Anupama Roy and Ujjwal Kumar Singh reiterates elections as an expression of popular sovereignty, highlights the significance of the Election Commission of India (ECI). Election time also serves as a site of electoral morality in the Model Code of Conduct (MCC)
While reading the book I couldn’t help but think of a very disturbing image from news this year when a part of the roof at Delhi airport’s Terminal 1 collapsed, killing a cab driver waiting for passengers and injuring several others. Compensations were announced and allegations and counter allegations between the ruling government and the opposition followed.
Anup Shekjhar Chakraborty looks at the phenomenon of ‘notices’ in the Northeast which are handed out as local communitarian commands. Here the community replaces the state as the focal point of governance. Pratip Chattopadhyay analyses how debates are conducted in Indian tele-media. He calls for a more participatory model of debating to ensure more meaningful participation of the new generation. Vinod Pavarala draws our attention to a now forgotten medium of political communication
Chapters five, ‘Can Umbrella Parties Survive? The Decline of the Indian National Congress’, and seven, ‘Coalition Strategies and the BJP’s Expansion 1989-2004’ provide a long-term perspective on the two largest parties: the Congress and the BJP. Chapter five, coauthored with Adnan Farooqui, provides a critical assessment of Congress’s diminished capacity to act as an ‘umbrella party’ based on electoral rules
Coming to the limitations of the book, the author’s desire to give a simple and accessible introduction to the idea/ideal of secularism does not get involved with the various intellectual critiques of secularism as a western hegemonic ideology particularly put forth by Islamists and decoloniality theorists.
The most moving section in the entire book is the concluding part, ‘Suffering’. The four chapters in this portion are important in that they narrate in detail the miseries which were inflicted on the families of the sixteen ‘conspirators’. The uniqueness of this portion of the book lies in the fact that problems which the victims and their families faced are retold in their own voices.
Fazal problematizes the contradictory government stand vis-à-vis ban on cow slaughter and a rise in beef exports almost at the same time. The steps which cater to divisive populism fell short of engaging with the impact it had on the livelihood issues of farmers as well as people engaged in subsidiary industries. The pitiable condition of Gaushalas which fail to provide decent living conditions to the cows question the actual commitment of the government.
Divided into seven chapters along with a detailed introduction, including notes on sources, and conclusion, the book uncovers some of the aspects about both the universities which are hardly discussed and deliberated upon. For example, it is often stated that Jawaharlal Nehru once described Jamia as ‘a lusty child of the noncooperation movement’ and sent a special message on the Silver Jubilee of Jamia on 10 September 1946.
In a sudden move, on June 20, 1948, the Madras Ministry led by Omandur Ramaswamy Reddiar issued an order imposing Hindi once again on the population. The difference this time was that Hindi was imposed as an elective second language along with other south Indian languages.
In order to improve Census accuracy, Kumar proposes a number of measures such as strengthening bureaucratic accountability, streamlining Census schedules, securing the release of data on time, and engaging respondents more intensively