Free and fair elections are an integral part of any democratic system. In post-Independence India, the elections have been a tool to shape and express changing power dynamics within the society. However, reading the various facets of an election has been a challenging task. It has been difficult to conclusively answer questions like, what are the basic factors which determine the voter’s preference to a particular political party or candidate? How does a party establish its dominance in a diverse country like India? How far do elections express the ambitions and aspirations of the voters? The answers to all these questions have been contested, and different scholars have tried to evaluate and explain the key factors which determine the voting pattern of the electorate. Similarly, scholars have tried to explain changing political and social power dynamics through the results of different elections. The book under review examines the socio-political background which influences electoral politics and its diverse manifestations in contemporary India.
The book focuses on the interaction of elements of democracy and governance in the election process, including the role of political parties, the Election Commission, strategies of campaign, etc. Interestingly, the different chapters of the book follow various conceptual approaches. Chapters present rigorous field experiences and data-based analysis, and the authors of these have used both qualitative and quantitative analyses. One can find the use of the political economy approach, public sphere approach, community and context approach, federalism approach, etc. in the different chapters. Apart from an exhaustive Introduction, the book divided into fourteen chapters is arranged in four parts: ‘Structure and Institutions’, ‘Actors and Process’, ‘Democracy, Community and Elections’, and ‘Governance and Elections: Perspectives from State’. The chapters included in this volume cover a vast array of critical issues related to the intricate relationship between democracy, elections and governance. It includes chapters on state action and electoral democracy, election management, election economy, development aspiration and electoral democracy in India, emergence of the BJP, Muslims’ political participation and electoral behaviour, and gendered representation in electoral democracy. Apart from these pertinent topics, this volume also includes narratives from some of the States and presents analyses of the unique features of their electoral politics. Readers can find State-specific chapters on Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Assam, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.
The editors of the volume argue that the ‘very meaning of democracy has changed from a system-centric idea to an agent-centric idea and a good enough governance syndrome has been normalized in place of good governance’ (p. xiii). According to them, the complexities of the Indian elections are so wide ranging that they cannot be fully grasped through the Western academic categories or imagination. They underscore two common meanings of governance: first, it is the political management of policy implementation, and second, the politically loaded management of monitoring of policy implementation. For them, the most crucial puzzle in contemporary India is that though political parties do not fulfil their previous promises, they get re-elected in many elections (both in Centre- and State-level elections). This puzzle, they argue, can only be resolved by reshaping election study and focusing on its intricate relationship with democracy and governance. To develop such an analysis, it is imperative to focus on a holistic understanding of changing contexts, opportunities, and challenges of the Indian elections in recent decades. The editors also differentiate between the focus and the studies of elections by psephology. While psephology deals with hard electoral data-based factual analysis grounded on pre- and post-poll surveys, political science prioritizes democracy and governance analysis as a methodology to understand electoral results.
There are a few chapters in the book which present a systematic study on issues which have been rarely discussed in the academic discourse of electoral politics in India. For example, Ashutosh Kumar’s ‘Election Economy in India’ is one of the most crucial chapters in this volume, which discusses the advancement and working of election economy in India after Independence. Political finance and funding are necessary for the activities of political parties in a democracy because they provide them the necessary resources to expand their political base and mobilize supporters of their respective ideologies. During elections, finances turn into the most crucial necessity for all candidates. However, to secure a level playing field for all political parties and candidates, it is necessary to ensure a check on illegal or illicit flow of finances in the political arena. Kumar underlines that the Election Commission of India has been taking many measures to enforce a stringent political finance regime. However, illegal unchecked money still plays a crucial role in Indian elections, and undoubtedly it has emerged as one of the biggest threats to Indian democracy.
Rahul Verma and Armaan Mathur have highlighted the ideological elements and new social bases of the BJP in the post-2014 period. This chapter is important because it tells the story of the emergence of the BJP after 2014. The authors of the chapter have argued that the present leadership of the BJP has presented Hindutva as a demographic idea, rather than a religious idea. The chapter notes that the key reason behind the popularity of the BJP is its capability to establish the idea of a Hindu community and its concerns at the centre stage of Indian politics. They accept that giving space to subaltern groups and Modi’s impressive leadership as a staunch advocate of Hindutva have also played an important role in the emergence of the BJP as the biggest political party in India in the contemporary period. However, they also emphasize that fragmentation of national opposition has played an equally crucial role in the current strong position of the BJP. They assert that ‘a carefully crafted connection between the voter and the Prime Minister, largely through a welfare architecture …and careful media management’ (p. 99) are some of the crucial reasons for the continuing success of the BJP.
Hilal Ahmad has questioned the prevalent stereotypical academic and political understanding regarding the Muslim voting pattern, which largely treats the Muslim as a homogenous group. Through CSDS-Lokniti data, Ahmad establishes that the Muslim citizens are not influenced by the narrative of blind opposition of the BJP, as depicted by most of media. As voters they respond to the given electoral package positively. They adjust themselves to the existing political narratives and cast their votes by carefully considering their interests. However, Ahmad misses the point as to how in recent elections, the anti-Muslim rhetoric of the BJP played as one of most crucial factors in determining their vote pattern. However, different Muslim communities have also focused on issues like their economic and educational marginalization. For most of these communities, their backwardness is inseparably linked to their Muslim identity and to the politics of communal exclusion. So, their voting preferences have been decided by the combined effect of all such factors. In all, Ahmad emphatically stresses that the Muslim voters interpret this identity-development configuration in their own different ways.
The book provides new insights to understand the emerging trends of Indian democracy. However, there are more serious concerns which should have been incorporated in the present volume. First, the influence of media, including social media has increased in the past one decade. It has been used to set agendas in favour of the ruling dispensation at the Centre. This issue is also related to the financial capacity of the BJP, which has far more resources than any other Party. Indeed, the editors accept the role of media and social media in Indian elections. It would have been useful to have added a separate chapter on this aspect. Second, there is need to evaluate the changing role and declining legitimacy of the Election Commission in the recent past, particularly due to the continuous charges of the Opposition parties that it favours the ruling dispensation. Though there is a chapter by Zaad Mahmood which deals with the institutional mechanism and functioning of the State Election Commissions, it overlooks the more contested question related to the role of the Election Commission, the Electronic Voting Machine and the suspicion of Opposition parties. Third, to understand the changing dynamics of politics in India in the last one decade, one must focus on certain key issues like giving direct benefits to the voters and the phenomenon of creating ‘Beneficiaries’ (Labharthis), etc.
However, the book covers various key aspects related to the intricate relationship between democracy, election and governance. Not only does it focus on certain national trends but also carries chapters on regional variations. The book also gives sound methodological understanding related to the study of functioning of the Indian democracy and the changes which have occurred through the elections. Indeed, the book is useful for researchers who wish to work in the area of democracy and elections. It is also useful for the common readers due to its ability to elucidate various facets of Indian democracy and its changing pattern.
Kamal Nayan Choubey teaches Political Science at Dyal Singh College, University of Delhi, Delhi.

