Gilgit-Baltistan, one of the remotest regions in the world and located in the Karakoram mountains is currently part of Pakistan Occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Being at the confluence of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and India makes it strategically important in the current geo-political landscape, as it is the gateway for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, touted as the ‘lifeline of Pakistan’.
Historically, the region drew the attention of the British Government in the nineteenth century due to its perceived apprehensions of Russian invasion into British India through the Wakhan Corridor, a long and narrow strip of Afghan land lying at the southern border of current Tajikistan.
British perception of Russian threat forced the then British Indian Government to think of ways to stop the Russians at its Northwestern border with the creation of a concept of Frontier region. Thus began the shaping of British policy to take direct control of the region that bordered Afghanistan.
Ashutosh Singh’s endeavour in his book is an attempt to lay out the historical context of events from 1839 onwards highlighting British actions to take control of Gilgit-Baltistan during the nineteenth century, and their moves leading to the period up to the Partition in 1947. Singh highlights the infiltration of Jammu & Kashmir by Pakistani raiders and the dubious role played by a combination of forces comprising British Army officers ‘in cahoots’ with the Pakistan Army, leading to Gilgit-Baltistan being deceitfully annexed by Pakistan. It thereafter dwells upon the events in Gilgit up to 2019.
The Gilgit-Baltistan region comprised several small kingdoms: namely Gilgit, Hunza, Chitral, Nagar and Skardu. Over a period of time, they aligned themselves and pledged loyalty to various powers. On consolidation of the Sikh kingdom of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the region was brought under their control helped by the Dogra General Gulab Singh. Upon signing the Treaty of Amritsar in 1946, the region passed on into the hands of the State of Jammu & Kashmir under Gulab Singh who was anointed the independent ruler of Jammu and Kashmir after buying the territory from the British. However, it was not until 1860 that Gilgit was brought under the Dogra regime by Gulab Singh’s son, Ranbir Singh.
The rapid movement of Russians in Central Asia, more specifically, expansion into Khiva in 1873, brought their control up to the Oxus River, north of Afghanistan. This alerted the British. Two expeditions in the region led by the British explorer Sir Forsyth in 1870 and 1873, also drew their attention to the fact that the two mountain passes, Baroghil and Ishkoman Aghost respectively, provided connectivity from Wakhan corridor to Chitral and Gilgit, and this could facilitate movement of troops from the Pamirs to Kashmir. Worried with the feedback, the British engaged with Ranbir Singh to allow them a direct role in the affairs of the region. This led to the appointment of a British Army officer as their direct representative and setting up of ‘Gilgit Agency’ in 1877. The arrangement was less than satisfactory with frequent disagreements between the British Political Agent and Jammu & Kashmir Durbar. In addition, local skirmishes and power struggle amongst the minor constituents of Gilgit continued to engage the British in the region.
End of the ‘Great Game’ between the British and Russians in the first decade of the twentieth century shifted British focus to troubles emanating from Afghans and Pan Islamists leading to realignment of boundaries along the British frontier with Afghanistan and within the Gilgit region, more specifically separation of Chitral, Hunza and Nagar from Gilgit.
The Gilgit region continued to suffer due to the policy of dual play between the British and Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir. Although it was part of Jammu & Kashmir and governed by a Wazir-i-Wazarat (Governor) who reported to Srinagar, the British exercised their control through their Political Agent, resulting in parallel powerplay. By 1930, the situation had become tenuous for the British who wanted complete control of the region due to perceived Soviet consolidation in Central Asia. The issue was finally resolved by an Agreement signed on 26 March 1935 between the Maharaja of Kashmir and the British Resident wherein all the territory north of the River Indus was given on lease to the British for 60 years, until 1995.
Notwithstanding the Agreement, clarity on status of the territories of Hunza, Chilas, Koh Ghizar, Iskoman and Yasin to be part of Gilgit Agency continued to elude the British. They wanted to retain the frontier for maintaining direct control over all the areas. Finally, in 1941 the Government of Jammu & Kashmir referred the matter to a Court of Arbitration, to reinforce their claim over these territories. The author herein has given a very detailed account of the report prepared by Ram Chander Kak, Chief Secretary of Jammu & Kashmir, and the opinion of the Resident of Kashmir, Lt. Col S M Fraser. The Political Department, relying on Fraser’s report, rejected Jammu & Kashmir’s argument laying down a roadmap of future territorial dispute.
The Partition of 1947 led to a race between India and Pakistan for amalgamation of Jammu & Kashmir within their domain, while the then ruler of Kashmir remained unsure of his accession to either side and wanted an independent Kashmir. In the chapter ‘Partition and the Territorial Dispute’, the author has listed actions of key players from Pakistan who were plotting the inclusion of Kashmir into Pakistan.
During the preparation of handover of Gilgit-Baltistan to Kashmir, an operation code named ‘Data Khel’ was planned to orchestrate a mutiny led by Major Brown of Gilgit Scouts with the help of Muslim troops who forced Kashmir’s Governor to surrender. This was a conspiracy supported by the British Government to weaken the Maharaja and his claim over Gilgit-Baltistan. The fact that it was launched to coincide with the invasion of Kashmir by raiders supported by Pakistan is well brought out.
Post the events of 1947, the author has enumerated the troubled status of Gilgit-Baltistan as part of Pakistan and its population excluded from Pakistan’s democratic setup. Political parties have not been permitted, and its people were subject to harsh Frontier Crimes Regulations until 1974 when the Northern Area Legal Framework was introduced. Since then, very limited steps have been initiated to grant democratic and other rights to the people of the region and they remain excluded from economic benefits brought into the region by the construction of Karakoram Highway in 1978, providing linkage to Xinjiang region of China and subsequent development of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
Overall, the book is well researched with extensive reliance on data from authoritative sources. However, inclusion of cartographic illustrations covering the period of the narrative would have added value to the book. Also, the text contains minor grammatical and print errors which could have been avoided.
Major General Nalin Bhatia is former officer of the Indian Army, and currently Visiting Faculty at the Department of Political Science, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.